Tuesday, February 5, 2013

Citizenship, a Dangerous Western Concept

ICCI-ARY Rimay Bulletin, Year 6, No. 61, April 2004 (1)
Institute of Indigenous Science and Culture
Quito, Ecuador

Agustí Nicolau i Coll



In the process of redefinition of a renewed culture of citizenship, one must ask what is the place of the community dimension, in that this is the constitutive dimension of identity for every single human being.  Without community, human identity is non-existent, as it lacks its foundation and reason for existence.  The human being is from emergence a creature of community, and we can say that this community dimension is trans-cultural: i.e. it is present in all cultures.

This is the fundamental and vital reality through which as always and even now, the members of the most diverse cultures share and construct social life together with other human beings, with the cosmos, and their respective divinities.


 Rather, the concept of citizenship within a state is a relatively new reality, which appeared at a particular moment of time during the history of modern Western culture, namely the French Revolution.  We also note that in the very bosom of Western cultures the emphasis on citizenship can vary greatly from one culture to another.  It has become a major reference point in French culture but it is much less, for example, in Catalonia.  Outside of the context of western political space we also note that the importance of citizenship, as a reference point for organizing the lives of people is very relative, and even clearly harmful.

Without denying the positive impact that the concepts of citizenship and citizens have been able to contribute to society, we are forced to accept that these are not the only valid parameters to ensure a life of dignity and fulfillment for human beings.
 It seems therefore that a renewed culture of citizenship should not forget the community dimension, wanting simply reduce the “canon of community” to a “canon of citizenship”.  Indeed, the first precedes and forms the base for the second.  Such a change in perspective is required bring a reawakening to the reality the constitutive nature of community.

In this regard, let us indicate how alongside the abstract modern concepts of the individual, the collective and public culture in terms of state citizenship, the vital and existential experiences of the person and community culture are core dimensions of the human being and social reality. At the same time, we can address the issue of cultural pluralism and social cohesion from the perspective of community culture.  Finally, we will explore some tracks of action moving towards empowering the spirit of human community as the heart of our social life. 

Person and individual


Currently the words "person" and "individual" are used most of the time as synonyms.  But in fact, there is an essential difference between them.  The concept of individual refers mostly the autonomous self, who encounters self justification as a singularity then constitutes external environmental context by the establishment and exercise of rights, duties to fulfill, needs to be satisfied, taxes to pay, etc.  This social conception of “individual” works essentially on the basis of rationalism and functionalism.

As individual, one identifies being with thinking, freedom with the ability to choose, identity is a function of what one does and not what one is.  The individual, as an autonomous self, does not acquire meaning as part of a community, but as one more anonymous creature in the whole collective.

This concept of the autonomous individual is a distinction of Western culture, as it was developed especially in the age of Modernity and had its legal establishment with the French Revolution (2).  The positive aspects of individuality which are claimed as necessary in order to confront abuses of state power and authoritarianism, should not prevent us from noting, in turn, the excessive exaltation of individualism itself that has led human society to a dead ending.

Upon the meme of rugged individualism is constructed the basis of the current policies of economic liberalism, which is concerned only with individuals as consumers, in the same way that the state cares about them, as taxpayers and service users.  The forces of disintegration and social exclusion are given a clear field, as the community solidarities are absent or minimized in a space where individual autonomy has become the only horizon of our lives.  If the social exclusion which we are witnessing today is ultimately the result of economic liberalism along with the absence of the state in its commitment to society, we will find at a deeper level the ideology of the autonomous individual is the root of this process.  Without it, liberalism could not reduce us to mere consumers or the state to strictly numbers of a collective whole.  It appears necessary for a thorough revision of our conception of the autonomous individual in the capacity as the foundation of public society.

We could begin this review by taking into consideration the living reality of the person, which viewed rather from the perspective based primarily on conceptions of autonomy, is based on the relational and community dimensions.  The person is unique, and who says claims to be person relates as a singular node in relationship to others. The implications involve a comprehensive perspective not limited to the possession of rights, duties, requirements, taxes, trade, etc. but inclusive of all dimensions of their lives: their beliefs, their values, their worldview, their relationships, their dreams, their desires, which are not necessarily experienced in a private space, but are shared in a communal space. The person is a response to the question: who are you?

As a specificity of its own community, the person is full human member not of an abstract collectivity of anonymous citizens, but of a community life form of constant occurrence, of giving and of receiving from fellow humans.  Eventually, rather than only belonging to a community the person IS the community, a way of being which recreates the world in historical continuity as unique, non-repetitive and, at once - sacred experiences. 

Community (3) and Collective 

Parallel to the distinguishment in terms of conceptions of individuals and persons we can make the distinction between the collective and the community.  The collective is an aggregate of individuals.  It has its strength and purpose in numbers, in the law of majority rule.  More individuals make a collective stronger, fewer individuals make a collective weaker.  Its definition is essentially quantitative and is the basis of this quantification that the community is organized under the nation-state formula.  What counts in a collective is not so much the quality of relationships between its members as respect for individual rights and access to public services.

When talking about the participation of citizens in the affairs of the collective, we do not realize that this participation has become difficult, almost impossible, by the fact that the sense of belonging is not developed primarily within a community dimension. However, this feeling of belonging which itself is essential to every human being is not simply experienced only on a rational and objective level.  Belonging is a holistic social concept, which implies the whole being, with all human values, beliefs and symbols integrated.  These elements are as valid and essential as all the stipulations of all the constitutions and charters of rights and freedoms imaginable within the frame of the state.

Every truly human community consists not of individuals who operate as automatons within the autonomy of singularity as the horizon of life, but people who, through their interpersonal relationships with other community members, build a sense of durable place through the sharing of profound spiritual moments.  If the individual and the collective equate to produce disjointed points lost within a uniform mass, in contrast the person and the community make us think above all of the nodes in a net: without the nodes (the person) there is net (no community) and without the net (community) there are no nodes (persons).  Every human community draws strength from the quality and strength of the relationships established between the members. Strength is not measured numerically nor is it quantitative; it is a qualitative collective experience.

Unlike the concepts of citizenship and the collective, the community is not only limited to people alive today.  The community may also include the ancestors (for example as in African cultures) as well as those not yet born (such as American Indian cultures).  Even further, in many cases, the power of community which simply is the power of inclusion, can extend to the human reality of experience with the cosmos (nature) and the gods (the divine).  Such community relationships eventually include all living realities, which is a sense of community that is less anthropocentric and more holistic in its relationship to reality, and therefore more developed in reciprocity within sustainable ecological relationships.

But sadly, the community has often been seen as something to eliminate as an obstacle to the full development of the individual. This process has been well described by Bertrand Badie (4) :


"The individualization of social relations is considered, from the philosophy of the Enlightenment, and even more so with the nineteenth century evolutionism, as emancipatory and rationalizing: it gradually frees the individual from community allegiances and of the tutelage of his group of natural belonging.  Socialization leads to a freer and more critical self, who is distanced from a natural desire to elevate the group to be replaced by a rational singularity, making room for the individual calculation and evaluation (...). In this reading, all communitarianism can not be residual, void of tradition and destined to disappear: the governance of political systems goes through its reabsorption "(p.116-117).

This negative conception of the community dimension has been shared by the ideologies of both right and left in the Western political philosophy.  It is a fact of inherent prejudice within modern Western thought.

Community culture, social cohesion and cultural pluralism 

In defining anew the concept of citizenship, we find the desire to tackle the challenge of cultural pluralism, in order to eliminate risks to the possible dangers to social cohesion that pluralism might entail.  We refer then to a "public culture" which is generally defined within the framework of the nation state and is identified with the government of that state, its powers and the public sector including civil society as a whole.

It is very difficult to decipher the challenges of cultural pluralism with an approach based solely on constructs of common public culture.  The concept of the public, as referenced within the frame of the individual and the collective dimensions of the state, confuse social cohesion with standardization and homogenization.  These processes then prescribe which similarities will be the dominant common denominator in order to ensure social stability, hoping that cultural differences will disappear or, at least, will take refuge in private spaces.



But if we embed our perspective from within the culture of human community, the culture of that which is created and developed by peoples and communities themselves from their own life context, the intent of human life to develop, to assure conditions for the development of life in communion with the whole of humanity becomes determinant.  Indeed, the vision of social cohesion becomes radically different.  Community solidarity becomes especially essential, which within each particular cultural framework, functions to facilitate and bring into the world conditions to ensure a life of dignity and fulfillment.  A life of fulfillment that emerges organically from the peoples and communities in their aspirations, their outlook on life, their worldviews, their knowledge and their knowledge.  A natural world.  In this sense we can say that these communities possess complete cultural identity in terms of educational, social, medical, legal systems, etc. which need not be made to conform by force within the constricting guidelines of the state and its civic culture.



Social cohesion requires the sense of belonging to community by people, as it bequeaths a personalized social space that is palpable and non-anonymous, a space not formulated by abstract principles that are distant and uniform, but instead created by a distinct worldview of the world and the sum of experiences of human life.  It is from this common sense of human belonging that people can build relationships with others who do not share the same particular cultural community.  Upon the interfacings of these relationships can be cultivated social cohesion, and not reactionary denial of any of these belongings towards an abstract resolution of contradictions, that pretends to be objective, rational and standardizing.  The horizon of social experiences that serve to orient and define does not strive to pursue the common denominator but motivates to establish the spaces and places for dialogue and exchange between different communities.

If such dialogue takes place, there is sure to be a mutual enrichment among community cultures that would bring transformation for all without prescribing what direction these changes may empower.  It is with this orientation that the community cultural dialogue addresses the challenges of cultural pluralism, and not through a process of integration and assimilation within the “legal” framework of western rationality.

It should be noted that this dynamic is not unique to the challenges of addressing cultural pluralism issues related to "cultural communities" in the context of a "host society," but also the different conceptions and visions of life that can be found internally within the same "host society".  The assumption of homogeneity that is exposed in projecting in civic values ​​and worldviews is not sustainable.

Unfortunately, the omnipresence of the nation state and the public culture of citizenship have removed or has largely replaced in Western cultures the presence of community, which has rendered these very nearly invisible.  In contrast, observing the reality of surviving traditional community cultures, we find that community dynamics are based on the dynamics of society, much more than the formal relationship with the state and the culture of state citizenship (5). The presence of communities in Quebec for example, different from those of modern Western origin, together with the crisis of the state as a model of organization of social life, are example that could serve to reinforce a revival of community cultures in this sense.

Social exclusion and Community exclusion 

Another concern that we are forced to contend with at the present time as we redefine anew the parameters of modern citizenship is the phenomena of social exclusion, which currently rages in both the North and the South.  In particular our attention is especially called to address the issues of economic exclusion.  Poverty and misery have become increasingly uncontrollable social realities.  This exclusion is certainly the result, largely, of the lack of respect for the social contract on the part of economic liberalism and the nation state, but the simple formulation of a new social contract under a new citizenship seems insufficient.  It is necessary, in my view, to go further and have the courage to consider three key issues:

  • Is not the ideology of individual autonomy, the collective and the public culture of the nation state is the very source of this exclusion?
  • Can we realize the alternative of belonging within community as being the process by which to counteract the schema of exclusion, empowering people with a space for personal fulfillment and development?
  • Can we have the foresight to include in the analysis of social exclusion other elements beyond the economic dimension, such as the principle of alienation in relationship to nature (by the will of domination), alienation from ancestors (the belief that the world begins with us), the exclusion of spiritual dimension (by the conviction that we are the beginning and end of all things), exclusion of Being in exchange for possession and control of everything, to the exclusion of the contemplative dimension of human consciousness by the prescription to understand everything under the rubric of reason?

Analyzing the factors that are at the origin of these processes of exclusion and social disintegration, more attention should be put on the role that the destruction of the sense of belonging and community relationships which is typical of any modern society.  This destruction coincides with the start of the public culture of the nation state in all dimensions of social life, which supplants the pre-existing community based community initiatives of cultural membership.  This process of destruction, which is oldest in Western societies, is now active in many societies of the South, with the same negative results that this entails (6).   Community exclusion cut the roots of the person to their community of origination and then, alone against the "mega-machine" of the state and that of the market economy the fracturing processes of social exclusion produces the abyss of alienation.

The reconstruction of personal and communal dimensions entails a certain guarantee of resistance to social and economic exclusion, since the individual’s existence is not reduced to a mere consumer or service user.  The members of community can be supported by the community through self-determined spaces of solidarity.  In some cases, community initiatives have the capacity to substitute the laws of the market and the state (7).  In practice this means that through many of the initiatives of community resistance to the negative effects of the void of commitment by the state and citizens in many social sectors, there should promotion of initiatives for reconstruction and redefinition of the spaces of community belonging.

Community membership should not in any way be reduced to a simple strategy for the resolution of economic problems, since this issue involves the whole of being in totality.  This is why we must ensure that community membership encompasses all the different dimensions of reality, i.e., the human, the cosmic and the divine.  It is in the inter-relationship between these three dimensions of the community as a whole, where strength and vitality is encountered.

If we can open ourselves to this perspective, we may be able to discover that the phenomena of socio-economic exclusion is nothing more than the result of a deeper exclusion, which divides and fragments our experience of reality.  The confidence of personal and community dimensions should allow us to regenerate from this fragmented reality so that our economy, our politics, social justice, spirituality, work, and celebratory nature of life are no longer experienced as separate worlds that remain in perpetual confrontation.

Community Membership as the heart of citizenship: Courses of Action 

Rebuilding the human sense of community belonging appears as an a priori condition for the reformulation of public citizenship.  We should no longer presume as primary criteria that the culture of citizenship within the nation-state and “developed” societies be the first point of reference for social life in order to define community life and, therefore, the full person and the whole of community reality.  The culture of public citizenship would still be one dimension, certainly useful, but secondary to the community of belonging.

The person and the community, rather than the individual and the collective, should be the main landmarks in education programs (8).  This means, among other things, that in addition to talking about rights, freedoms and responsibilities, we will also need to speak of cultural roots, personal relationships, beliefs, values, myths, vision of the world, conception, dignity and living with wellness, ways of knowledge and community practices, and so on.

Personal autonomy and individualism should not be positioned as the primary purpose of human life in order to accommodate into community solidarity, where social sets are understood as merely utilitarian.  Community solidarity is essentially the foundation of all human culture, as part of the normal and intrinsic order of society.  This sense of solidarity, of belonging, should also act to oppose the processes of social exclusion as well as exclusion from the cosmic and even spiritual dimensions of reality.   As we have been told for millennia by the Indigenous Peoples of America, all of us are a WE (men, animals, plants, earth, stars, spirits): we are part of the great circle of life, which includes all of reality.

The definition of community should not be reduced to a set of services provided by NGOs and the distinct community generating initiatives should be not be conceived as fragmented solutions to specific problems.  These initiatives have the potential in today’s world of evolving into permanent and radical alternatives to the dominant culture of development and progress (9).  The crisis of the welfare state, despite all its negative connotations, may represent an excellent opportunity to re-launch these initiatives as opportunities for community regeneration.

Community initiatives and strategies of non-Western cultures should not be seen as a threat to social cohesion, but above all as an opportunity for cultural enrichment as an effective means to tackle all kinds of exclusions.  Instead of simply integrating these cultures into the dominant culture of the nation-state citizenship, there should be an active dialogue on present knowledge systems and practices indigenous to these communities, from which they could, if necessary and desired, establish a common public culture.

The strengthening of the spaces and initiatives at all levels from neighborhoods, towns, classes, economic status, school will be at least as important as the formulation of new laws and other legal mechanisms such as may be required.

In short, we are called to resurrect the sense of community belonging in complementarity with human personality as the heart of our social life, outside of the domination concepts of public citizenship within the nation-state and the cultural constraints of materialistic development.  A creative challenge lies ahead.



Notes

1. This article was published by the author in "Options CEQ", no.11, autumn 1994.



2. For details on the configuration environment of individual identity in Western culture, see the book by anthropologist Louis Dumont, Essais sur l'individualisme. Une perspective sur l'idéologie anthropologique moderne, Paris, 1983, Seuil (Esprit Collection).



3. Sadly we have seen in the last 15-20 years the misuse of the word community, to the point that it is now meaningless. This article mainly community understand human reality, made up of people who have built durable and relational spaces that share either the same family or ethnic origin, the same vision of the world, a life project, a language, a common history , a religion.



4. Badie, Bertrand, L'État amount. L'occidentalisation politique de l'ordre (Paris), ed. Fayard, 1992.



5. Cf Gustavo Esteva, "Une nouvelle source d'espoir: marginaux them" in Interculture, vol.XXVI, No.119, (Montréal), Montréal Institut Interculturel, 1993. In this article the author discusses, from the neighborhood of Tepito, the possibilities and limits of community dynamics to tackle exclusion and social disintegration.



6. Cf BADIE, op.cit., For a detailed analysis of the failed nation-state exports to non-Western societies, especially in Africa.



7. Cf Different series notebooks "Alternatives endogenous and Vernacular" magazine published by the Institute for Intercultural Intercultural de Montréal, 4917, rue St-Urbain, Montréal (Québec) H2T 2W1.



8. Cf Sally BURNS article, "Understanding Citizenship or Community? _The Welsh Alternative", which presents a comparative study between two documents for school use, one in Wales, founded on the community, the other in England, founded on citizenship. The author's conclusion is that the document Wales is better prepared to sensitize children to community life with all the implications that this entails active attitudes, while the education of England comprises more passive acceptance of the status quo and laws (in découlent).



9. In this regard it should be noted that in different countries of the South, compared to various socio-economic situations untenable, and given the state failed imported North, people takes initiatives rooted in communities, while claiming their own traditions and creating new forms of solidarity. View Emmanuel's book N'Dione Dakar, une société en grappe, (Paris / Dakar), Karthala / ENDA-Graf-Sahel, 1992.



Translation:
TONATIERRA 

Saturday, February 2, 2013

Archives of Aztlan: Tlahtokan Izkalotl

Nohuanyolqueh,

The following is a transcription of the intervention submitted to the United States Government representative to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in Geneva, Switzerland in 1987. It is being offered here as an initiative of the Archives of Aztlan,
www.tonatierra.org

In Geneva in 1987, we met with traditional leaders from the Indigenous Peoples of South Africa, chieftains of the Zulu who were living in exile in Switzerland due to their trade union activism. We discussed the points that we were bringing forward and compared our histories and knowledge. Upon reading our position paper which called for the reopening of the question of integration of the territories within the bounds of the US control in light of the current international instruments and protocols for decolonization, these leaders immediately drafted a parallel document that exposed as identical the legal tactics of the British-Boer regimes to those of the British-American techniques of colonization.



From the Archives of Aztlan:

Tlahtokan Izkalotl
Chicano Spiritual Council
Aztlan Traditional Nation

November 2, 1989

The Honorable George Bush
President of the United States
The White House
Washington, DC

On August 3rd, 1982 we wrote a letter to the Department of Justice requesting a clarification of our legal status as native "inhabitants" of the territories relinquished to the United States under the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo-1848 and the Gadsden Treaty of 1853. The response from the representative for the Civil Rights Division by Mr. James M. Schermerhorn was to the effect that the US Attorney General was only authorized to render legal opinions to you as President, and the heads of the executive departments of the federal government. The pertinent declarations and inquiries of our initial correspondence are as follows:



Indigenous Nations Land Title
It is a common assumption that by Treaties of Guadalupe Hidalgo 1848 and the Gadsden Purchase of 1853 that the US acquired clear title to the territories therein described. Yet, the Native Nations populating these territories - legal holders of aboriginal title and sovereignty, never relinquished these powers to the government of the Mexican Republic of 1848. The case of Pit River Nation, and the California Tribes with their unratified treaties are a testament to this fact as is the Hopi Nation. Thus, the land right acquired by these treaties is not one of clear title, but only a franchise to pursue extinguishment of the Indigenous or Aboriginal Title.

Citizenship
The falsehood that all Mexicanos in the relinquished territories became full US citizens as a result of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo has as it basis the 8th Article which states:

". . . but they shall be under the obligation to make their election within one year from the date of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty; and those who shall remain in the said territories after the expiration of that year, without having declared their intention to retain the character of Mexicans, shall be considered to have elected to become citizens of the United States."

In fact, for those Mexicano inhabitants of the territories who were nonwhite (non-European) no such opportunity was legally available.  This is evidenced by US naturalization law then in effect which required the racial identity of "WHITE" to be eligible for naturalization. Secondly, the California Constitution of 1849 limited the political rights of citizenship to "white male citizens of Mexico." Thirdly, the territorial acts of New Mexico and Utah, 1850, also restricted participation to "free white males." Fourthly, the 14th Amendment opening US nationality to nonwhites was 20 years away (1868) and finally as stated in the 1868 Convention regarding citizenship of Emigrants between US and Mexico, Article 1:

"The declaration of an intention to become a citizen of one of the other country has not for either party the effect of naturalization."

In view of these facts, did the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo identify the "white" and "nonwhite" Mexican inhabitants of the territories as separate and distinct populations within its provisions? Specifically, please clarify the identity of "established" vs. "not established" Mexicans as stated in Article 8.

Finally, if no distinction was made in the treaty, what is the explanation of the US Government for the division of Mexicanos into "white" and "nonwhite" classes in Federal, State and Territorial Governments since it was through these mechanisms that US Citizenship was to be acquired?

Clearly, these are questions of law that must be evaluated before a foundation of justice based on truth can exist for the Xicano Mexicano Peoples and indeed for all the sovereign nations of the Indigenous Peoples of the treaty territories. What is essentially called into question is the process of integration of the territories into the political domain of the United States, which in addition to the defect in popular participation outlined above, must be reevaluated in terms of current international legal standards. We remind you of the United Nations Resolution 1541 (XV), Principle V:

"Once it has been established that such a prima facia case of geographical and ethnical or cultural distinctions of a territory exists, other elements may then be brought into consideration. These additional elements may be, inter alia, of an administrative, political, juridical, economic or historical nature. If they affect the relationship between the metropolitan State and territory concerned in a manner which arbitrarily places the latter in a position or status of subordination, they support the presumption that there is an obligation to transmit information under Article 73 e of the Charter."

Mr. President, in consideration of the above, we are requesting that you intercede with the power of your office and direct the current Attorney General to render a legal opinion regarding the question we have posed.

We attentively await your reply.

Sincerely,

Tupac Enrique Acosta
TLAHTOKAN IZKALOTL


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YouTube:

Archivos de Aztlan:

Tlahtokan Izkalotl
Chicano Spiritual Council
Aztlan Traditional Nation

2 de Noviembre de 1989

Honorable George H. Bush
Presidente de Los Estados Unidos
La Casa Blanca
Washington, D.C.

El 3 de Agosto de 1982, hemos escrito una carta al Departamento de Justicia solicitando una aclaración sobre nuestra condición de nativos “habitantes” de los territorios cedidos a los Estados Unidos, bajo el Tratado de Guadalupe Hidalgo 1848 y el Tratado Gadsden de 1853. La respuesta del representante de la División de Derechos Civiles, Señor James M. Schermerhorn, fue en efecto para decir que el Procurador General de los Estados Unidos sólo está autorizado a rendir opiniones legales a usted como Presidente y a los que encabezan los departamentos ejecutivos del gobierno federal.  Las investigaciones y declaraciones pertinentes en nuestra correspondencia inicial dicen:

TITULO PRIMODIAL  -   AZTLAN
Se supone generalmente, que por los Tratados de Guadalupe Hidalgo y por la Gadsden Purchase (compra Gadsden), Estados Unidos adquirió títulos legítimas de títulos legítimos sobre los territorios en ellos descritos.  Sin embargo, las Naciones Indígenas que pueblan estos territorios poseedoras legítimas de títulos primordiales y soberanía, nunca entregaron estos poderes al gobierno de la República de México de 1848.  El caso de Pit River y de las Tribus de California con sus tratados no ratificados son la prueba de ello, como les la Nación Hopi.  Así, el derecho a las tierra adquirida por estos tratados no es un titulo legítimo, sino únicamente una franquicia para persistir sobre el título Indígena, el de la Soberania Autóctona.

CUIDADANIA
No es cierto que todos los Mexicanos de los territorios cedidos hayan adquirido la completa ciudadanía de Estados Unidos como resultado del Tratado Guadalupe Hidalgo, presuntamente tal como estipula el artículo 8:

“…Mas la elección entre una y otra ciudadanía deberán hacerla dentro de un año contado desde la fecha del cange de las ratificaciones de este Tratado. Y los que permanecieren en los indicados territorios después de transcurrido el año, sin haber declarado su intención de retener el carácter de mexicanos, se considerará que han elegido ser ciudadanos de los Estados Unidos.”

De hecho, para aquellos Mexicanos habitantes de los territorios que no eran blancos (no europeos), tal oportunidad no les cobijada legalmente.  Esto es evidente en las leyes de naturalización de Estados Unidos y en su cumplimiento, las cuales requieren la identidad racial de “BLANCO”, para poder solicitar la naturalización.  En Segundo lugar, la constitución de California de 1849 limitó los derechos de ciudadanía a “varones blancos ciudadanos de México”.  En tercer lugar, las actas territoriales de Nuevo México y Utah, 1850, restringen también la participación a “los hombres blancos libres”.  En cuarto lugar, la 14ta enmienda constitucional que da la nacionalidad de Estados Unidos que por primera vez a los no-blancos, se hizo 20 años después (1868) y finalmente, como estipula el Articulo 1 de la Convención de 1868, conciérnete a la Ciudadanía de Emigrantes entre Estados Unidos y México:

“El hecho de declarar la intención de querer ser ciudadano de uno u otro país no tiene, para ninguna de las partes, el efecto de naturalización”.

En vista de estos hechos, el Tratado de Guadalupe Hidalgo identifica los habitantes Mexicanos “blancos” y “ no blancos” como poblaciones distintas y separadas en sus estipulaciones?

Requerimos aclarar particularmente la identidad de Mexicano “establecido” vs. “no establecido” como se estipula en Articulo 8.  Finalmente se el tratado no hace distinción ninguna, cual es la explicación del gobierno de los Estados Unidos para clasificar los Mexicanos en “blancos” y “no blancos” en gobiernos Federales, Estatales, y Territoriales, puesto que a través de estos mecanismos que la ciudadanía de Estados Unidos se adquiría?

Evidentemente, estas son cuestiones de derecho que tienen que ser evaluadas antes de establecer una justicia basada sobre la realidad histórica que tiene el Pueblo Chicano Mexicano en el territorio y aún más parta todas las Soberanías Autóctonas de los territorios que cubren los Tratados.  Lo que llama la atención especialmente es el proceso de integración de los territorios al dominio político de los Estados Unidos, el cual se suma a las deficiencias antes señaladas y que tiene que ser reevaluadas en términos que prevalecen dentro de las normas internacionales legales vigentes.  Le recordamos la resolución de la Asamblea General de Naciones Unidas 1541(XV) Principio V:

“Una vez establecido que se trata a la primera vista de un territorio distinto desde el punto de vista geográfico y étnico o cultural, se pueden tener en cuenta otros elementos.  Estos podrán ser, entre otros, de carácter administrativo, político, jurídico, económico, o histórico.  Si influyen en las relaciones entre el Estado metropolitano y el territorio de modo que éste se encuentra colocado arbitrariamente en una situación o en estado de subordinación, estos elementos confirman la presunción de que existe la obligación de transmitir la información que se pide en el inciso (e) del Articulo 73 de la Carta.”

Señor Presidente, tomando en consideración lo que precede, nosotros le pedimos que Usted interfiera con el poder que le confiere su cargo y ordene al Procurador General encargado de dar un juicio legal sobre las cuestiones que hemos planteado.

Esperando su respuesta, quedamos de Usted muy atentamente.

Sinceramente,

Tupac Enrique Acosta
Tlahtokan Izkalotl








Archivos de Aztlan: Tlahtokan Izkalotl


Tlahtokan Izkalotl
Chicano Spiritual Council
Aztlan Traditional Nation

2 de Noviembre de 1989



Honorable George H. Bush
Presidente de Los Estados Unidos
La Casa Blanca
Washington, D.C.



El 3 de Agosto de 1982, hemos escrito una carta al Departamento de Justicia solicitando una aclaración sobre nuestra condición de nativos “habitantes” de los territorios cedidos a los Estados Unidos, bajo el Tratado de Guadalupe Hidalgo 1848 y el Tratado Gadsden de 1853. La respuesta del representante de la División de Derechos Civiles, Señor James M. Schermerhorn, fue en efecto para decir que el Procurador General de los Estados Unidos sólo está autorizado a rendir opiniones legales a usted como Presidente y a los que encabezan los departamentos ejecutivos del gobierno federal.  Las investigaciones y declaraciones pertinentes en nuestra correspondencia inicial dicen: 

TITULO PRIMODIAL  -   AZTLAN

Se supone generalmente, que por los Tratados de Guadalupe Hidalgo y por la Gadsden Purchase (compra Gadsden), Estados Unidos adquirió títulos legítimas de títulos legítimos sobre los territorios en ellos descritos.  Sin embargo, las Naciones Indígenas que pueblan estos territorios poseedoras legítimas de títulos primordiales y soberanía, nunca entregaron estos poderes al gobierno de la República de México de 1848.  El caso de la Nacion Pit River y de las Tribus de California con sus tratados no ratificados son la prueba de ello, como es la Nación Hopi.  Así, el derecho a las tierra adquirida por estos tratados no es un titulo legítimo, sino únicamente una franquicia para persistir sobre el título Indígena, el de la Soberania Autóctona.



CUIDADANIA

No es cierto que todos los Mexicanos de los territorios cedidos hayan adquirido la completa ciudadanía de Estados Unidos como resultado del Tratado Guadalupe Hidalgo, presuntamente tal como estipula el artículo 8:



“…Mas la elección entre una y otra ciudadanía deberán hacerla dentro de un año contado desde la fecha del cange de las ratificaciones de este Tratado. Y los que permanecieren en los indicados territorios después de transcurrido el año, sin haber declarado su intención de retener el carácter de mexicanos, se considerará que han elegido ser ciudadanos de los Estados Unidos.”



De hecho, para aquellos Mexicanos habitantes de los territorios que no eran blancos (no europeos), tal oportunidad no les cobijada legalmente.  Esto es evidente en las leyes de naturalización de Estados Unidos y en su cumplimiento, las cuales requieren la identidad racial de “BLANCO”, para poder solicitar la naturalización.  En Segundo lugar, la constitución de California de 1849 limitó los derechos de ciudadanía a “varones blancos ciudadanos de México”.  En tercer lugar, las actas territoriales de Nuevo México y Utah, 1850, restringen también la participación a “los hombres blancos libres”.  En cuarto lugar, la 14ta enmienda constitucional que da la nacionalidad de Estados Unidos que por primera vez a los no-blancos, se hizo 20 años después (1868) y finalmente, como estipula el Articulo 1 de la Convención de 1868, conciérnete a la Ciudadanía de Emigrantes entre Estados Unidos y México:



“El hecho de declarar la intención de querer ser ciudadano de uno u otro país no tiene, para ninguna de las partes, el efecto de naturalización”.



En vista de estos hechos, el Tratado de Guadalupe Hidalgo identifica los habitantes Mexicanos “blancos” y “ no blancos” como poblaciones distintas y separadas en sus estipulaciones?



Requerimos aclarar particularmente la identidad de Mexicano “establecido” vs. “no establecido” como se estipula en Articulo 8.  Finalmente se el tratado no hace distinción ninguna, cual es la explicación del gobierno de los Estados Unidos para clasificar los Mexicanos en “blancos” y “no blancos” en gobiernos Federales, Estatales, y Territoriales, puesto que a través de estos mecanismos que la ciudadanía de Estados Unidos se adquiría?


Evidentemente, estas son cuestiones de derecho que tienen que ser evaluadas antes de establecer una justicia basada sobre la realidad histórica que tiene el Pueblo Chicano Mexicano en el territorio y aún más parta todas las Soberanías Autóctonas de los territorios que cubren los Tratados.  Lo que llama la atención especialmente es el proceso de integración de los territorios al dominio político de los Estados Unidos, el cual se suma a las deficiencias antes señaladas y que tiene que ser reevaluadas en términos que prevalecen dentro de las normas internacionales legales vigentes.  Le recordamos la resolución de la Asamblea General de Naciones Unidas 1541(XV) Principio V:



“Una vez establecido que se trata a la primera vista de un territorio distinto desde el punto de vista geográfico y étnico o cultural, se pueden tener en cuenta otros elementos.  Estos podrán ser, entre otros, de carácter administrativo, político, jurídico, económico, o histórico.  Si influyen en las relaciones entre el Estado metropolitano y el territorio de modo que éste se encuentra colocado arbitrariamente en una situación o en estado de subordinación, estos elementos confirman la presunción de que existe la obligación de transmitir la información que se pide en el inciso (e) del Articulo 73 de la Carta.”



Señor Presidente, tomando en consideración lo que precede, nosotros le pedimos que Usted interfiera con el poder que le confiere su cargo y ordene al Procurador General encargado de dar un juicio legal sobre las cuestiones que hemos planteado.



Esperando su respuesta, quedamos de Usted muy atentamente.



Sinceramente,



Tupac Enrique Acosta

Tlahtokan Izkalotl
*******
YouTube:
TENAMAZTLE

Friday, February 1, 2013

Protesta contra Monsanto en Phoenix


en protesta contra
El monstruo
Consulado Mexicano
Phoenix, Arizona 
 Enero 31, 2013

DERECHOS DE LA MADRE TIERRA

LINK:


WWW.TONATIERRA.ORG

Tuesday, January 29, 2013

TONATIERRA: Protesta y Conferencia de Prensa

Los Comités de Defensa del Barrio
Comunicado de prensa
Contactos:  Salvador Reza 602.446.9928 Tupac Enrique 602.466.8367


No somos ilegales. No somos criminales.

Somos trabajadores de Pueblos Originales.


Protesta y Conferencia de Prensa


Fecha:            Miércoles 30 de enero de 2013

Hora:              4  P.M. a 8 P.M.

Ubicación:      Salida al estadio de Glendale - 101 Freeway y Glendale Ave
                       
PHOENIX, AZ - TONATIERRA y los Comités de Defensa de Barrio protestaran contra la Selección Mexicana de Futbol y su contubernio con el Estado de Arizona y la Ciudad de Glendale.  Ambos han sido instrumental en promover la persecución de nuestros paisanos y no es posible que símbolos tan significativos se usen para aparentar que todo esta bien en este estado.

La criminalización de nuestra comunidad ha alcanzado proporciones epidémicas en Arizona. Con las reformas propuestas de la migración, el experimento que Arizona promete ser el modelo a seguir para un congreso republicano. Sin duda el modelo de Arizona se utilizara para todo aquel que no logre entrar en la reforma migratoria propuesta.

El mensaje de la comunidad es muy sencillo. "No somos criminales. No somos ilegales. Somos trabajadores de los pueblos originales de estas tierras".
Entre las razones que estamos llamando al boicot es para dar luz a los casos de perfil racial de la policía, las constantes detenciones y deportaciones a personas de piel morena. 

Todos los días el Departamento de Policía de Phoenix, el Departamento de Policía de Glendale, y los alguaciles del Sheriff Joel Arpaio detienen a nuestras familias y las envían a ser deportados. Su persecución nos esta costando a los contribuyentes millones de dólares.  Asustan a los niños, separan familias y destruyen nuestra economía.
También estamos pidiendo a los aficionados al fútbol a boicotear el 30 de enero presentación del equipo de fútbol mexicano en Glendale, a causa del abuso flagrante contra nuestra comunidad, como se muestra en Primer Impacto, cuando el popular programa de TV le hizo una prueba  perfil racial a Arizona. En menos de 5 minutos los detuvieron por el color de la piel.
###
YouTube:
Nican Tlacah 
March for Human Rights 
*******
Clanes de Destino 

The Rights of Indigenous Peoples as Migrant Workers


¡ No Somos Illegales !
¡ No Somos Criminales !
¡ Somos Trabajadores
de
Pueblos Originales !
Will the rights of
including the Right of Self Determination, be addressed in the COMPREHENSIVE IMMIGRATION REFORM
package of legislation that is about to be presented, and adopted by the US Congress?

Will the concepts of Convention 169 of the International Labor Organization be introduced into the terms of engagement of the debate?

The real question is:
Will WE,
as
MOVIMIENTO MACEHUALLI
DEMAND IT!


Nican Tlacah Izkaloteca
YouTube:
Marcha Abya Yala 5 de Mayo
2013

Marcha Abya Yala 5 de Mayo in Phoenix


Nican Tlacah Izkaloteca
Phoenix, AZ
Derechos Civiles - Derechos Humanos - Derechos Indígenas
Derechos de la Madre Tierra 

La Reforma Requerida
no es solamente entre
un solo gobierno Americano (EEUU)
y nuestras
Naciones y Pueblos Indígenas Nican Tlacah
de
Abya Yala, Cemanahuac

 Tampoco no nomas es una una politica partidista que cuenta con nosotros solamente como botin electoral.
Hablar de reforma de politica en el tema de inmigracion de cualquier Estado Americano del continente
sin tocar la violacion del
Es
NEGAR
LA DEMANDA HISTORICA
contra los Estados Colonizadores,
institucionalizados bajo las Republicas de las Americas (todas)
como hijos bastardos del Derecho Divino de Reyes,
La Doctrina de Descubrimiento 1492
La Bula Papal Inter Caetera de 1493,
El Requerimiento de 1513,
y
El Tratado de Guadalupe Hidalgo
(EEUU-Mexico 1848)
5 de Mayo 2013


MARCHA
por la Justicia
y
Auto Determinacion
DEMANDS:
! NO CRIMINALIZATION !
¡ Defend the Rights of Migrant Workers and their Families!
¡ Stop the Separation of Families- Stop the Polimigra !
YouTube:
AZ SB1070 IS NOT A LAW
! Protect Sacred Sites!
Full Implementation of the
UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples!
! STOP MONSANTO !
! EL MAIZ ES LA RAIZ !
SELF-DETERMINATION FOR ALL PEOPLES
ARIZONA HUMAN RIGHTS ZONES

Link:

YouTube:
Clanes de Destino 
 

Monday, January 28, 2013

TONATIERRA Press Release

Comités de Defensa del Barrio 

January 27, 2013
Phoenix, Aztlan - Donde vive el espíritu de la verdad.
Detrás de puertas cerradas, preparan los detalles para lanzar los términos que se discutirán en el congreso para una reforma migratoria.  Demócratas y Republicanos nos tildan de “indocumentados, violadores de la ley, ilegales, inmigrantes,” pero nadie, absolutamente nadie habla con la verdad histórica.  Ni los intereses industriales, las uniones, los políticos, las no lucrativas, las iglesias, y los diferentes cabildeos republicanos hablan de nosotros como pueblos originales de este continente con derechos ancestrales codificados en leyes universales, internacionales, y en tratados que aun los estados unidos ha firmado reconociendo nuestros derechos como pueblos indígenas.

Pero la culpa no es de los intereses antes mencionados.  No, la culpa es nuestra.  Como nos van a respetar como pueblos originales cuando hemos aceptado el mote de “latino, hispano, ilegal, indocumentado” y cualquier nombre que se les ocurre ponernos.  Como nos van a respetar cuando hemos aprendido a negar nuestro color, nuestra historia, nuestra propia madre Tonantzin.  Como nos van a respetar cuando nos avergonzamos de nuestra propia historia y aceptamos como verdades las mentiras históricas utilizadas como precedente legal para encarcelarnos, deportarnos, y crear un estado Apartheid de separación, un estado escondido detrás del termino legal o ilegal, aun si somos los mismos marcados con el maíz y el nopal como nuestra constitución ancestral.

¿Que decidirá quien se queda y quien se va?  ¿Quién decidirá cual miembro de nuestra familia es encarcelado, castigado, y deportado por perseguir “la búsqueda de la felicidad?”  Serán descendientes de aquellos que “donaron” estas tierras a las naciones europeas por mandato de Dios?

Serán las mismas leyes que se utilizaron para apoderarse de La Madre Tierra y alejarnos de nuestro paraíso terrenal para esclavizarnos a ganar el pan de trigo con el sudor de la piel cuando nosotros solo conocíamos El Maíz y las Tortillas. Serán las mismas leyes que les daban el derecho de pernada sobre nuestras mujeres a los elegidos por el Rey para dominarnos.  Serán las mismas leyes que nos quitaron el nombre de Cuauhtlatoa para bautizarnos de Juan Diego, el nombre de Cuauhtémoc para bautizarnos de Cortes, el nombre de Mexicanos para llamarnos Hispanos, el Nombre de Mexica para llamarnos Latino.

Serán las mismas leyes que por la fuerza de las armas nos enfermaron de envidia, de avaricia, y de miedo.  Serán las mismas leyes del Destino Manifiesto, de La Bula Papal Inter Caetara, que realizan nuestra cultura en bailes folclóricos pero desprecian nuestra espiritualidad ancestral basada en 65 mil años de comunión con la madre tierra y todos los elementos que nos da la vida.

Nosotros proponemos que independientemente de que se proponga en una reforma migratoria nosotros no podemos abandonar nuestro pueblo que no califica de acuerdo a las leyes extranjeras que no respetan las leyes humana que nos garantizan el derecho de vivir, viajar, y gozar de nuestros lazos familiares.  La esclavitud le daba el derecho de vender y comprar al ser humano a los terratenientes y efectivamente destruir cualquier lazo familiar.  Hoy en día el estado le da el derecho al policía, a cualquier vigilante, a los agentes de inmigración de perseguirnos, reportarnos, y deportarnos sin importar hijos, madres, padres o destrucción familiar. 

Nosotros escogemos los derechos humano y seguiremos luchando independientemente de quien califique o no califique para quedarse o deportarse por inquisidores modernos disfrazados de legisladores. 

DESCOLONIZAR: AHORA! 
YouTube: 
Nican Tlacah