Thursday, September 12, 2013

Abya Yala and the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo 1848

The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo: A Living Document Abya Yala and the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo— The Scars of Colonization
Tupac Enrique Acosta
Tonatierra Community Development Institute
February 12, 2011
ASM - Southwest Culture

ASM Podcasts - Episode 45 (28:38)

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Amistades, Inc. LogoThis program was produced by Lisa Falk, Director of Education, Arizona State Museum, in collaboration with Amistades, Inc.Opens in a new window, the University of Arizona’s Office of the Vice President for Research, and the University's American Indian Studies department.
Narrator Welcome to an Arizona State Museum podcast. This podcast is one of five recordings from a symposium held in conjunction with the display of the original pages of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo at the Arizona State Museum during February 2011. The treaty pages were on loan from the National Archives. Arizona State Museum extends thanks to Amistades, Inc., the Vice President for Research at the University of Arizona, and the University's American Indian Studies department for support of the exhibition and the symposium. For more Arizona State Museum podcasts, go to, or go to iTunes, keyword: Arizona State Museum.

Tupac Enrique Acosta I'm going to try to speak as clearly and as loudly as I can. I do have some speech impediment, so please bear with me. I'd like to introduce Cindy Mercurio Sandoval. By coincidence, the name Sandoval, is tied to that U.S. Sandoval (from what I understand) court case. Cindy, in her time in New Mexico, also worked on some of the community interventions that were done by the land grant movement at that time, related to similar issues that we're speaking of here. And she's going to help us with the slide presentation. So Cindy, could you go on to the next slide? [crowd noise]

Can anybody identify this location? The situation? Can anybody conceptualize it in reference to our symposium today? Whose army uniform? That's an army uniform, right? Is that Egypt? Oh, let's take applause. Egypt, the people of the Nile.

[man applauds]
[crowd applause]

What's in process in Egypt is the same discussion we're having today. What is that? The relationship of humanity to government states of the world. And the borders that they have imposed and incarcerated are conceptions of allegiance and citizenship, in contrast and in conflict to our relationship and our kinship as human beings of Mother Earth. So we're talking about putting threads of context in place, and leaving those threads of context in place to the purpose of what? To perpetuate our incarceration, or to achieve our liberation, as a realization of our humanity. Wherever you go in this Mother Earth, and I'll take a pause there. Last month, you can't go any further. It took me 30 hours to get there, and 36 hours to get back. I was in India, the original. I'm looking for India, well, I got there. Christopher Columbus, you know what I'm talking about.

We're talking about the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, but the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo cannot be conceptualized without its context, which is the framework of the international law of the governments. States. In particular, of the government entities, of the states that have survived the independence movements in this continent, of Abya Yala. That came to be known as America as a result of, the guy who was trying to get to India, right?

So, it was always the same plan all along. How are we going to establish a continental network and the trade, the commerce, for the purposes of exploiting and expropriation, the natural resources and labor of humanity to the benefit of the corporate elites? Now they call that econogenics. In another era, during World War II, it was called eugenics. But that eugenics was birthed and born here. It was exported to Germany, no? I'm just giving you threads of the larger story, the longer story that is to be told, that is still to be told. Why?

Because India, last month, we recalled together, the indigenous peoples of this continent, of Abya Yala. The indigenous peoples of Australia, of Aotearoa. Of the Pacific Basin, what is that called? Oceana. Not just the rim, the whole Oceana. Africa. Indigenous peoples of Europe, the Sami were there, the Laplanders. We were called to India last month to put together the first round table towards the formation of a world assembly of indigenous peoples. And this is distinction, and in contrast to what is called a General Assembly of the United Nations. OK. So this is what's in question, the process of defining what is a nation, what is it to be international, and what is it to be a humanity. What is it to be a humanity. And wherever we look, wherever we saw, wherever we listened, wherever we heard, we heard the same story that the Yoeme said. That we have a core of, a kernel of our humanity is embedded in our original histories, that are not filtered through the lenses of the so-called western civilization, or the civilization concept itself. To the core of our humanity as homo sapiens.

In all of the continents of the world, and wherever we are. Whether we're the Sami of northern Europe, whether we're the indigenous of Africa, the Zulu. Whether we're the Aotearoa of New Zealand, or the aboriginals of Australia, or the Adivasi of India. We found that we have an integrity, and we have a reality. We have the original same reality of the continuity of our human identity, that isn't defined, like the Yaqui said, depending on our citizenship or status in one or another of the conceptions of the so-called civilized world.

And that's the story that we bring to tell you today, as it relates to our discussion on the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. This isn't U.S.‑Mexico; this is Mexico‑Mexico. This is the Mexican federal troops, and this is one of the ladies of the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Naciónal in Mexico. She's Maya, no?

This is what we were referring to, no? We're talking about being deported. We're talking about being deported physically. We're talking about being deported in terms of religion, no? Extracted and pulled into Genízaro nationalities. Not just communities but Genízaro nationalities. Start from the border and start going down. You see a bunch of Genízaro communities, but Genízaro nationalities that have been put in place in this continent.

Why? Because to get to the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and this border here, you don't see it, but it's there conceptually, we're discussing it here intellectually. But to get to that one, there was other previous doctrines that were put in place that set about, set in place the legitimization of those so-called systems of jurisprudence that we call law and international law and treaties. Right? And what is a treaty, by the way? And who has a right to make it, what is that? And so in this context, we see what we see. We see what is there. But what we are also seeing is how we ourselves have been deported into the project of America, no?
During the last era, in the fight against neo-liberalism, it was one of the phases coming out of the massive movements in the south. Otra Americas Possible, Another America's Possible. They were bringing that phrase out as a challenge to the neo-liberalization and the invasions of the corporate elites partnering up with all the government states.
To bring in what was the same process of the extraction of the railroads across the West, right? What made this treaty necessary. I wouldn't say the transnational corporations. I call them supranational. They don't have any tie to any nationality of any constituency in any place in the world. They're coming in from China. They're coming in from Japan. They're coming in from... and itt doesn't really matter anymore where they're coming in because they have the same corporate interests globally. But the point I'm making here is that that's the NAFTA frame, that is another thread in putting together the context.
There's another frame that wasn't mentioned today here as of yet. That was the Doctrine of Monroe, 1823.You're not going to get to 1848 until you touch 1823. What was the Doctrine of Monroe? What did he say?
Woman America follows Americana?
Mr. Acosta   But who was he talking about? Was he talking about the original Americana, the original indigenous? Who was he talking about? He was talking about the same attitude that created a flex. Whenever U.S. intervention, this idea came up. Because supposedly the North American U.S. government says, "We're going to say who's going to say who's going to come in here. And by the way we're saying nobody else is coming in here. It's going to be our plantation now, the whole continent." Without having to put a physical border, they put a doctrinal border on the whole continent. To say that Asia discovery and exploration by the European interests, the gate's shut. Without the Monroe Doctrine you don't have that context of what's going to happen now, what is happening now up to this point.
Before, what did we have? The government of the Republic of Mexico, 1848, Santa Anna. The government of Washington, the government of Polk, their justification for territorial jurisdiction in this continent is based on what? Talking about doctrines. Based on what? The doctrine of... discovery, no? And the psychological, political, legal, cultural and intellectual frames that that set in place and then legitimizes... Added to that the traction of the economic might and the military forces that are tied to that, which we are still seeing every day here in Arizona and throughout the continent. But the original doctrine behind that was called the Divine Right of Kings. The Divine Right of Kings, and there was a King of Kings, The Vatican.
Under the Divine Right of Kings, when that concept arrived over here that was the original concept. That's how they got to claim discovery in the first place. But in the process of the Enlightenment, the exposure to the concepts of self-government, autonomy... Where there isn't a hierarchy of self-governance outside the humanity, the indigenous frameworks of confederacy where it isn’t necessarily a hierarchy imposed from a monopoly or a monotheistic or even a grammatical or legal singularity? We're talking about the plurality that is the ecology of nature and our part, as human beings, as part of the family of nature.
That exposure sparked different things: the French Revolution, the Enlightenment. And in the bounce back, when it came back this way, the Independence movement that happened with the U.S., I mean with the English, with the French. That's something we have, the independence movements that was mentioned to you in 1821. But then none of those independence movements, 1821, none of them, not Mexico, none of those were the indigenous nations. They never got their status as republics.
Although even in Guatemala, when Guatemala was pushing out a separation from Mexico, there's 48 cantones mayas at that time. The same like with the Yaquis. They almost literally stepped onto the world stage as Maya Republic, at that time. And they still are in place today, but they don't have international recognition.
The point is that nobody legitimately will argue anymore for this concept of the Divine Right of Kings. I don't believe that's so. I'm not going to hear that here, I don't think. Yet we see it still here, the argument. Or we hear the absence of the contradiction of the argument of the Divine Right of States. Supported every time we make a statement in justification of the international borders that have been established by the republics, that derive their jurisdiction and justification in this hemisphere based on the Divine Right of Kings.
Now we have the Divine Right of States. Example, Correa and Ecuador, last year. The petroleum companies that have... Really, Canadian petroleum companies, Canadian mining companies, they've been franchising with the Ecuadorian government. They say, "We're coming into the Amazon." The indigenous people, they say, "No, you're not coming into our territory."
And there's pictures of bows and arrows against armies, like the Ecuadorian army. Correa, a president who came in from the left says, "That resource belongs to the state. The indigenous have only occupancy on the territory." It's ancestrally theirs, no? A Divine Right of State. Here in this area, we just heard this argument last week in the state capitol.
When Mr. Eastman was arguing in favor of the modifications to the 14th Amendment, to Arizona's citizenship in conflict with the 14th Amendment. He was talking about the rights of expatriation. He was talking about the rights of the states to determine their own status of membership and citizenship, in relationship to the other states. The other states, which ones? The other 50 states, of the United States of North America.
So here we are in 2011 but 20 years ago we were called to the first continental encounter, that took place in Quito, Ecuador, in 1990. In 1990, we were there. At the whole level of the whole hemisphere, we were looking at 1992. And the Quincentenary celebrations of jubilee that were being planned by the Vatican and Spain.
I'll tell you a real quick, funny story. There was a resolution put on the floor of the general assembly to celebrate the 500th anniversary of Columbus, the Quincentenary. At that time, Jean Kirkpatrick—you know who I'm talking about? Some of you in the room won't know how I'm talking about. Jean Kirkpatrick was the U.S. Ambassador. There's her signature on the resolution. It got adopted unanimously by every single country in this continent, and I saw the signatures myself, Jean Kirkpatrick's signature right next to the minister of Cuba. Cuba was ready to sign, too. "Let's go to the party, let's go to the party."
Who was the only ones who stood up and said "Hold it." Indigenous peoples. We stood up after this gathering in putting together the continental resistance, to say "Just a second, just a minute, let's take 500 years of seconds and minutes." Let's come back to reality and acknowledge one simple fact.
In 1960, as you know we've been organizing as Tonatierra, we had 100,000 people march through the state capitol last year. A lot of the people were wearing t-shirts that said "Legalize Arizona." Legalize Arizona. Now let's get this clear. Those 100,000 people with that message of legalize Arizona, when we went to the state capitol, we don't go to present ourselves to the state capitol, Brewer, Governor Brewer. We had the indigenous nations of this territory waiting for us there, the O’odham people were there waiting for us with their songs, with their ceremonies, with their narratives of relationships to each other, with each other, and of the land. Preceding the document of discovery, preceding the Divine Right of Kings, preceding the Divine Right of States, and still present until today. And still acting as if what we said was said again, but now trying to express it and broadcast it at a larger level, at what is the public.
One of the groups that was accompanying us in that process were the Mississippi summer folks, the folks who had been in Mississippi during that time. We had a side conversation with them, like in this room here. Hey, you know what? None of what Martin Luther King or the leadership of the SNCC and the other groups that were mobilizing in that time in Alabama, similar to how we're mobilizing in Arizona...that movement that Martin Luther King was pushing for civil rights within the framework of U.S. protections, responsibilities and rights...that movement would not have had a chance—we’re talking about the Mississippi summer movement, remember—that movement would not have had a chance, if Africa hadn't been moving toward decolonization. The U.S. Civil Rights movement being led by the African-American constituencies wouldn't have had a chance if Africa itself wasn't pushing through a decolonization process itself.
Decolonization was not a crime up until 1960. It wasn't a crime to come into another continent and take and rape and pillage, exploit, expropriate the natural resources of those peoples. The colonization of the European mercantile interests that began in 1492, I always say it like this‑‑when did World [inaudible] begin? I'll wait for an answer. When did World War I begin?
Man 1914
Mr. Acosta World War I began on October 12, 1492. [audience laughter] From that time to this time, up until this resolution in 1960, that was normal. It was considered civilized. A particular part of that burden of civilization was given to a particular sector of our human family. Some of our relatives that were extracted from the rest of us and basically deformed and tortured into a cultural identity that is known as "white people". Whereas if you go to any place on Mother Earth and say "Where's that country that's called 'white'?", there's nothing there. There's nothing there; we're all just human beings.
The General Assembly makes colonization illegal, but it wasn't until September 13, 2007—that's only four years ago, not even four years ago—that indigenous peoples were put into that same category. Up until that date, we're not peoples. We don't have access to those procedures to decolonize. So it isn't a wonder that we're here at this place where we are now. This is Thomas Banyacya, Hopi Nation, in front of the United Nations, according to the Hopi prophecies, fulfilling the prophecy of the Hopis that they would present themselves before the House of Micah to bring the message of indigenous nations to this body.
This clarifies, for purposes of communications. Yes, there are governments, look at all the flags. Yes, there are states, [pointing] boom boom boom. However, we are the nations.
Ser nacido. Nacer. Nacionalidad. Todo viene siendo de la madre tierra. El mismo raiz de pensar te dice eso. Que hace posible la vida? Nacer. La relacion con lo que es la madre tierra. La relacion con el agua, la relacion con el viento, la relacion con el sol.
Or you could say it like this: the material world. Solid, liquid, gases, and plasma. The four phases of matter. It's essential, it's elemental but it's also very scientific. In other words, it's reality.
Reality checks in every once in a while. Mother Earth's telling us, "Abya Yala, I am here. I am Yala. I am here, and I am going to the ceremony that Mother Earth is going to." She has elders, too. She's our mom. Father Sun, but even they have elders, too. We're part of a larger community of realities that we coincide in and coalesce around, according to the principles that we call the [Kasoli?] in our tradition of the Mexicayotl.
The [Kasoli?] of the Mexicayotl has pulled us together, since 1990 at the first continental encounter. We've had five summits since then. The last one took place in Puno, Peru. That should be in 2009. At this particular event, it was stated "Nosotros no somos imigrantes en nuestra propio continente." A political position was put forward to all of the government-states, not just the U.S., not just Mexico, Canada. The statement was made, "We are not immigrants in our own continent."
Especially since we haven't moved into the phase of decolonization in this continent. If we're going to discuss immigration, we're going to have to go back to October 12, 1492. Otherwise, we're not discussing immigration. The issue is being manipulated in the interests of certain economic interests that are entrenched and embodied in the political bodies of the government-states that come across as a result of colonization.
This one, go back one real quick. Last October. For all of this to occur requires communication. It requires the rebellion and cognition that is going to make it possible. This is the rebellion we are speaking of today, not just a rebellion in terms of political. There has to take place a reality check that is going to bring about a rebellion in the systems of cognition and to accomplish that, we need communication. We have in place a continental network of comunicadores indigenas. This was in Colombia just last November.
This is the symbolism of the iconography of our messaging to humanity. How we are going to regenerate and reclaim our place in global society, outside of the distinctions and contradictions and legalizations of our government-states, not only in this hemisphere, but planetarily.
This is our emblem of the Nahuacali. We have a process that drives all this which is inherent to our internal reality that we express at external levels according to the need and circumstances of the time.
This is the embassy of indigenous peoples in Phoenix where we operate out of. And this is one of our latest campaigns. It's an educational campaign. This was the document that was put in the hands of Senator Pierce when he came out on the first day he was going to announce the 14th Amendment. We put this in his hands and, we made it accessible to him, but unfortunately he didn't want to accept it as of yet. But the reality is there. The cognition is there. What part of illegal do you not understand? It's very simple.
We're going to have a hearing on this issue and the invitation to that event is on your packet. Please look at that. At Pueblo Grande one month from now, we're going to have a hearing. The United Nations has launched a preliminary study on the impact of the doctrine of discovery on indigenous peoples. We're going to have a hearing on that next month at Pueblo Grande. So this story here is to be continued at that point one month from now, so I urge you to keep in contact with us through our website and the different means that we're going to put in place.
You see that line up there? That's the Adams-Onis line, right? There's no indigenous nation indicated in that line at all. So, whatever jurisdiction territorial that Mexico thought they had that they were passing to the U.S., guess what? There's flaws in the concept not to mention it's the absolute deformation of reality. This is a more closer version.
This is what the relatives were speaking about. These are our confederations, the ancient confederacy of the Ute-Azteca nations. When we speak about borders, really the only borders we have as human beings is language because we all use the same thought process. We have the same cerebrum in all parts of the world, in India and everywhere. We've had the same hardware for 100,000 years. The only borders we have are cultural borders. And this is why the fight in Egypt is so critical, because you're talking about getting to the core of that relationship and finding a seed of how we might regenerate our self-determination as humanity.
You see that these maps, there's a misconception here. They were never like that. You saw the Yaquis overlapped with the O’odham , the O’odham with the Mayo. We never had borders that were: “I’m on this side, you’re on that side.” That's a flat world conception. That's like “the world is flat.” The world is not flat. The world is made up of relationships.
And the expression of value that we give externally to those value systems that we carry, that's called law. This is the law of the description from one perspective in the central part of the continent known as Mexico. Tenotichlan. The eagle and the condor you see evident in the background.
And this is up here in Phoenix. There's a bunch of junk on the riverbed. You've seen all the dumping that took place up there. We're talking again about our ecological relationships, and that means our ecological responsibilities—I said law—to the Mother Earth and to the natural world. You see these creatures here, [A’astar?]; in our language, they're called [A’astar?], the white heron. The messenger and the responsible, el responsible, for relaying the message of confederacy and peace among these nations because they live along the waterways.
You see more of the picture now but it's the same picture, no? What kind of weaponry is that? What kind of resistance is that? Change that gun and put in place the government state mechanism planetary, change her to Mother Earth and change this guy to… maybe it's us. But what about the uniform? Is that our uniform? What are we fighting to defend? What are we fighting to protect? What should we be fighting to defend and protect?
What we say is this, it's the ways of life that makes life possible. The water, they go together in pairs—the land and the water, the air and the fire.
And reality, the reality is that—and I got into trouble with my elders once for saying this, for asking this; I almost got into trouble; I thought I was going to get in trouble—but I asked it like this. "Hey elders," (I work with an organization called the Seventh Generation Fund. We're part of the traditional confederacies of the continent of the north, the Turtle Island that is part of this continental, like was mentioned, no? …reality of indigenous confederacies at a continental and planetary level. For us, there isn't seven seas. There is only one ocean. And the ocean doesn't separate us. The ocean binds us together.) So I asked them like this, "Hey, Elders." (My time is up, no?) "Elders, isn't it true, elders, that we're all originally and eventually we are all indigenous people of Mother Earth?" Elders said, "You got it. You got it." That's the distinction and that's the reality we wanted to share with you today as we go forward.
Next Tuesday, we'll be back at the state capitol bringing the more precise elements of this argument to try to convince those who want to be convinced, who are willing to be convinced, related to the justifications that have been proposed in the state of Arizona in terms of the Arizona state citizenship acts and its implications on the 14th amendment. It's one of the activities we're engaged with on the street level, at the ground level and the community level. We have 400 families in Phoenix in the comites en defense del barrio that are working with us together.
By way of closing, I want to extend my appreciation to the folks in the museum and the staff here who made all of this possible. And thank you for your kind attention and patience. Thank you.

Wednesday, September 11, 2013

TEZCATLALLI: The Towers of Chapultepec and the Prayers of Tepeyac

September 11, 1847

US Army Invading Forces under the the Command of General Winfield Scott, set seige to the Mexican Military Academy at Chapultepec, Mexico:  In the final phase of the assault, six young cadets refused to fall back and fought to the death, and in popular legend it is said that the last of these, Juan Escutia of Tepic, Nayarit wrapped himself up in the Mexican flag and jumped from the Chapultepec tower roof to keep it from falling into enemy hands. 

Ome Acatl Xihuitl, Chapultepec, Anahuac

Chapultepec: Nahuatl term signifying "Hill of the the Grasshopper."



Espejo de la Tierra                   Earth Mirror

The day will come
the shards of rubble,
will be swept away;
the remains
of loved ones will be carefully laid to rest in places
at that moment where
worlds that were
will also be
no more, and
new world’s
Discovery brought us all a shudder of horror
to have lost they who through knowing them,
with them and of them,
made us

The day that comes,
comes for us all.
The coldest winds before that dawn,
the shards of humans being inhuman
to each other and themselves, look for the broken places in our
and heart,
look to wounds searching for caves of fear, far beyond the chasing
conscience of the One:

At that moment shall appear,
When the ground is finally clear,
A shining dust
A mirror of earth, and she will speak again.
“What have you done to my children?”
And foundations of Heaven’s Earth, respond -
In justice of war gods unbound.

Tupac Enrique Acosta
US Army Invades Mexico
The War Council of September 11, 1847 at Chapultepec

Having taken Molino del Rey, American forces had effectively cleared many of the Mexican defenses on the western side of the city with the exception of Chapultepec Castle. Situated atop a 200-foot hill, the castle was a strong position and served as the Mexican Military Academy. It was garrisoned by fewer than 1,000 men, including the corps of cadets, led by General Nicolás Bravo. While a formidable position, the castle could be approached via a long slope from Molino del Rey. Debating his course of action, Scott called a council of war to discuss the army's next steps.

Meeting with his officers, Scott favored assaulting the castle and moving against the city from the west. This was initially resisted as the majority of those present, including Major Robert E. Lee, desired to attack from the south. In the course of the debate, Captain Pierre G.T. Beauregard offered an eloquent argument in favor of the western approach which swung many of the officers into Scott's camp. The decision made, Scott began planning for the assault on the castle. For the attack, he intended to strike from two directions with one column approaching from the west while the other struck from the southeast.

The Assault on Chapultepec:

At dawn on September 12, American artillery began firing on the castle. Firing through the day, it halted at nightfall only to resume the next morning. At 8:00 AM, Scott ordered the firing to stop and directed the attack to move forward.

Chapultepec Castle was defended by Mexican troops under the command of Nicolás Bravo, including cadets from the military academy.  The number of cadets present has been variously given, from 47[3] to a few hundred.  The greatly outnumbered defenders battled General Scott's troops for about two hours before General Bravo ordered retreat, however the six Niños Héroes refused to fall back and fought to the death.  Legend has it that the last of the six, Juan Escutia, leapt from Chapultepec Castle wrapped in the Mexican flag to prevent the flag from being taken by the enemy. According to the later account of an unidentified US officer, "about a hundred" cadets between the ages of 10 and 16 were among the "crowds" of prisoners taken after the Castle's capture.[4]

The six cadets are honored by an imposing monument made of Carrara marble by architect Enrique Aragón and sculptor Ernesto Tamaríz at the entrance to Chapultepec Park (1952);[2] and the name Niños Héroes, along with the cadets' individual names, are commonly given to streets, squares and schools across the country. For many years they appeared on the MXP 5000 banknote. The Mexico City Metro station Metro Niños Héroes is also named after them.
Los Niños Heroes de Chapultepec 1847
  • Juan de la Barrera  (age 19)
  • Juan Escutia  (age 15–19) (?)
  • Francisco Márquez  (age 13)
  • Agustín Melgar  (age 15–19) (?)
  • Fernando Montes de Oca  (age 15–19) (?)
  • Vicente Suárez  (age 14)

Juan de la Barrera was born in Mexico City in 1828, the son of Ignacio Mario de la Barrera, an army general, and Juana Inzárruaga. He enlisted at the age of 12 and was admitted to the Academy on 18 November 1843. During the attack on Chapultepec he was a lieutenant in the military engineers (sappers) and died defending a gun battery at the entrance to the park. Aged 19, he was the oldest of the six, and was also part of the school faculty as a volunteer teacher in engineering.

Juan Escutia was born in Tepic (today's capital of the state of Nayarit) at some time between 1828 and 1832. Records show he was admitted to the Academy as a cadet on 8 September 1847, but his other papers were lost during the assault. He is believed to have been a second lieutenant in an artillery company. This cadet officer wrapped himself up in the flag and jumped from the roof to keep it from falling into enemy hands. His body was found on the east flank of the hill, alongside that of Francisco Márquez. A large mural above the stairway painted by Gabriel Flores depicts his jump from the roof with the Mexican flag. This account has been regarded as a legend by several modern Mexican historians.[1]

Francisco Márquez was born in Guadalajara, Jalisco, in 1834. Following the death of his father, his mother, Micaela Paniagua, remarried Francisco Ortiz, a cavalry captain. He applied to the Academy on 14 January 1847 and, at the time of the battle, belonged to the first company of cadets. A note included in his personnel record says his body was found on the east flank of the hill, alongside that of Juan Escutia. At 13 years old, he was the youngest of the six heroes.

Agustín Melgar was a native of Chihuahua, Chihuahua, born there at some time between 1828 and 1832. He was the son of Esteban Melgar, a lieutenant colonel in the army, and María de la Luz Sevilla, both of whom died while he was still young, leaving him the ward of his older sister. He applied to the Academy on 4 November 1846. A note in his personnel record explains that after finding himself alone, he tried to stop the enemy on the north side of the castle.

Fernando Montes de Oca was born in Azcapotzalco, then a town just to the north of Mexico City and nowadays one of the boroughs of the Federal District, between 1828 and 1832. His parents were José María Montes de Oca and Josefa Rodríguez. He had applied to the Academy on 24 January 1847, and was one of the cadets who remained in the castle. His personnel record reads: "Died for his country on 13 September 1847."

Vicente Suárez was born in 1833 in Puebla, Puebla. He was the son of Miguel Suárez, a cavalry officer, and María de la Luz Ortega. He applied for admission to the Academy on 21 October 1845, and during his stay was an officer cadet.

Rodolfo Acuña,
New York: Harper & Row, 1981
Chapter 6: "Greasers Go Home"
Page 10
Joel Magallán, executive director of Asociación Tepeyac:
"We didn't have time to cry."

Asociacion Tepeyac has helped the families of the more than 100 undocumented workers who were killed on 9/11. 

''The largest group of World Trade Center victims we'll probably never know the fate of are the undocumented workers,'

"Why do Mexican Workers Head North?


Embassy of Indigenous Peoples


To the Sons and Daughters of Anahuac, Abya Yala
To the Indigenous Peoples of the World:


In the name of our ancestors, Grandmothers and Grandfathers of our Indigenous Nations, you are reminded that it is
That the innocent women and children of the entire world should suffer attack, threat, the taking  of hostage, nor shall they be injured or killed as result of military action by any military force of the world, in the field of war whether proclaimed or not.  This same moral prohibition extends to the civil population in its entirety.
THERE IS NO JUSTIFICATION WHATSOEVER for such acts within the norms of our millennial culture.  By way of this proclamation shall also be informed the generals and captains of all military rank, of any and all national armies of the world, that the giving of such orders in violation of this
Such orders shall not be considered valid before the principles of this DECLARATION, nor before the Conscience of Humanity.

that the Sons and Daughters of Anahuac, Abya Yala and the Indigenous Peoples of the World
With the traditional mandates of this Order of Honor shall be:
By our communities, the great family of our Indigenous Nations, and community organizations.

Given this 13 of October 2004,
From NAHUACALLI, Embassy of the Indigenous Peoples
Calpolli Nahuacalco, Izkalotlan
Anahuac, Abya Yala


Tupac Enrique Acosta, Yaotachcauh Tlahtokan Nahuacalli

Witness: Fernando Suárez del Solar, for El Guerrero Azteca

Embassy of Indigenous Peoples
PO BOX 24009 Phoenix, AZ 85074
Tel: (602) 254-5230

Embajada de los Pueblos Indígenas


A Los Hijos e Hijas de Anahuac, Abya Yala
A Los Pueblos Indígenas del Mundo:


En nombre de los antepasados abuelitas e abuelitos, Raíz del Pueblo, se les recuerde que es

Que sean atacados, amenazados, hostigados, heridos o matados los niños y las mujeres inocentes del mundo entero en cualquier acción militar por cualquier ejército del mundo, en campo de guerra proclamada o no.  La misma prohibición moral es aplicable a la población civil entera.

NO EXISTE JUSTIFICACION ninguna para tales acciones de acuerdo con las normas de nuestra cultura milenaria.  Por vía de esta proclamación se les informa también a los generales y capitanes de todo rango militar, de cualquier ejército nacional del mundo, que el dar la orden en violación de este


Tal orden no tendrá validez frente los principios de esta DECLARACION, ni tampoco ante la Conciencia de la Humanidad.

AFIRMAMOS ya entonces, que Los Hijos e Hijas de Anahuac, Abya Yala, y los Pueblos Indígenas del mundo
Con los mandatos tradicionales de esta Orden de Honor serán:
Por nuestras comunidades, la gran familia de nuestros Pueblos, y nuestras organizaciones comunitarias comprometidas.

Dado este 13 de Octubre de 2004,
Desde el NAHUACALLI, Embajada de Los Pueblos Indígenas
Izkalotlan, Aztlan


Tupac Enrique Acosta, Yaotachcauh Tlahtokan Nahuacalli

Testigo: Fernando Suárez del Solar, por El Guerrero Azteca

NAHUACALLI Embajada de los Pueblos Indígenas c/o TONATIERRA   P.O. Box 24009      Phoenix, AZ  85074    Tel: (602) 254-5230    Email:
Earth Mirror
1847 - September 11 - 2013

Redlines and Red Nations
It was called the MOTHER of All BOMBS - MOAB Massive Ordnance Air Burst (MOAB), a massive explosive device - the largest ever produced, specifically designed to kill and maim over a wide area. The MOAB was partly responsible for the 3,000-plus civilian deaths in Afghanistan.  Now we have forgotten her, now we are focused on her bastards the Chemical Weapons Arsenal in Syria, without even commenting on the fact that Egypt (1.23 billion dollars in military aid from the US per year) HAS NEITHER ACCEDED nor RATIFIED the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) now being negotiated in the aftermath of the USE of Chemical Weapons in Syria.

NOW we have forgotten her, now we don’t even ask what effect does the Mother of All Bombs and her bastard kin have on the ecosystems of Mother Earth, on what was once called a Fertile Crescent of Civilization, a cradle of Humanity.  We haven’t heard of what is being done to HEAL the watersheds of the Euphrates, the Tigris, or the Nile.  Instead we are fixated on the power politics of the State Players, and the agents of the Wars of Petropolis.  We don’t ask what is the effect of chemical weaponry on our Mother Earth (depleted uranium munitions) and we don’t DEMAND that these CRIMES against Humanity and the Rights of Mother Earth be addressed as International War Crimes of Genocide and TERRACIDE